1920; Arkadaşlar!

Bazı arkadaşların yoksulluk içinde bu büyük dâvanın başarılamayacağını zannederek, memleketlerine dönmek arzusunda olduklarını duydum.
Arkadaşlar!
Ben sizleri bu millî dâvaya silâh zoruyla davet etmedim, görüyorsunuz ki sizi burada tutmak için de silâhım yoktur.
Dilediğiniz gibi memleketlerinize dönebilirsiniz.
Fakat şunu biliniz ki, bütün arkadaşlarım beni yalnız bırakıp gitseler, ben bu Meclis-i Âli'de tek başıma kalsam da, mücadeleye ahdettim.
Düşman adım adım her tarafı işgal ederek Ankara'ya kadar gelecek olursa, ben bir elime silâhımı, bir elime de Türk bayrağını alıp Elma Dağı'na çıkacağım.
Burada tek başıma son kurşunuma kadar düşmanla çarpışacağım.
Sonra da bu mukaddes bayrağı göğsüme sarıp şehit olacağım.
Bu bayrak kanımı sindire sindire emerken, ben de milletim uğruna hayata veda edeceğim.
Huzurunuzda buna and içiyorum.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
(1920-Birinci Büyük Millet Meclisi'nin gizli celsesinde)

Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk: Atatürk'ün Milli Mücadele ve Kurtuluş Savaşı Üzerine Sözleri

Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk: Atatürk'ün Milli Mücadele ve Kurtuluş Savaşı Üzeri...: Biz mağlûbiyetimizin bahasını çok ağır ödedik. Elimizden köyler, vilayetler değil, ülkeler alındı. Fakat son lokmasını da ağzından kapmak için bir milletin hayatına kıymak canice bir harekettir. öldürülen bir adamınsa kendini son nefesine kadar cesaretle, mertlikle müdafaa etmesi tabiî ve zarurîdir. ( 1919 )

The Gift of Apollo*

The unexpected consequences of our expedition to the Moon.



 It’s a sultry night in July. You’ve fallen asleep in the armchair. Abruptly, you startle awake, disoriented. The television set is on, but not the sound. You strain to understand what you’re seeing. Two ghostly white figures in coveralls and helmets are softly dancing under a pitch-black sky. They make strange little skipping motions, which propel them upward amid barely perceptible clouds of dust. But something is wrong. They take too long to come down. Encumbered as they are, they seem to be flying—a little. You rub your eyes, but the strange tableau persists.

Of all the events surrounding Apollo 11’s landing on the Moon on July 20, 1969, my most vivid recollection is its dreamlike quality. Yes, it was an astonishing technological achievement and a triumph for the United States. Yes, the astronauts—Neil Armstrong, Buzz Aldrin and Mike Collins, the last keeping solitary vigil in lunar orbit—displayed death-defying courage. Yes, as Armstrong said as he first alighted, this was an historic step for the human species. But if you turned off the sound, with its deliberately mundane and routine chatter, and stared into that black-and-white television monitor, you could glimpse that we humans had once again entered the realm of myth and legend.

We knew the Moon from our earliest days. It was there when our ancestors descended from the trees into the savannahs, when we learned to walk upright, when we first devised stone tools, when we domesticated fire, when we invented agriculture and built cities and set out to subdue the Earth. The Moon’s waning and waxing symbolized death and rebirth. Its phases correspond so closely to the reproductive cycle of women that it’s hard not to wonder if there was once some causal connection—as the word “menstruation” (Latin mensis = “month”) reminds us. Folklore and popular songs still celebrate a connection between the Moon and love. The word “month” and the second day of the week are both named after the Moon. Especially when we lived out-of-doors, it was a major—if oddly intangible—presence in our lives.

The Moon was a metaphor for the unattainable: “You might as well ask for the Moon,” they used to say. For most of our history, we had no idea what it was. A spirit? A god? A thing? It didn’t look like something big far away, but more like something small nearby—something the size of a plate, maybe, hanging in the sky a mile above our heads. Walking on the Moon would then have seemed a screwball idea; it made more sense to imagine somehow climbing up into the sky on a ladder or on the back of a giant bird, grabbing the Moon and bringing it down to Earth. But nobody ever did.

It was not until a few centuries ago that the idea of the Moon as a place, a quarter of a million miles away, gained wide currency; we’re new at figuring out what worlds are and how they work. And in that brief flicker of time, we’ve gone from the earliest steps in understanding the Moon’s nature to actually walking on its surface. We calculated how objects move in space; liquefied oxygen from the air; invented big rockets, telemetry, reliable electronics, inertial guidance and much else. Then we sailed out into the sky.

The Moon is no longer unattainable. A dozen humans, all Americans, made those odd skipping motions they called “moonwalks” on the crunchy, cratered, ancient gray lava—beginning on that July day in 1969. But since 1972, no one from any nation has ventured there. Indeed, none of us has gone anywhere since the glory days of Apollo except into low Earth orbit—like a toddler who takes a few tentative steps outward and then, breathless, retreats to the safety of his mother’s skirts.

Once upon a time, we soared into the solar system. For a few years. Then we hurried back. Why? What happened? What was Apollo really about?

The scope and audacity of John Kennedy’s May 25, 1961, message to a joint session of Congress on “Urgent National Needs”—the speech that launched the Apollo program—dazzled me. We would use rockets not yet designed and alloys not yet conceived, navigation and docking schemes not yet devised, in order to send a man to a world not yet explored—not even in a preliminary way, with robots—and we would bring him safely back, and we would do it before the decade was over. This confident pronouncement was made before any American had even achieved Earth orbit.

As a newly minted Ph.D., I actually thought all this had something centrally to do with science. But President Kennedy did not talk about discovering the origin of the Moon, for example, or even about bringing samples of it back for study. All he seemed interested in was sending someone there and bringing him home. Kennedy’s science adviser, Jerome Wiesner, later told me he had a deal with the President: If the President did not claim that Apollo was about science, then he, Wiesner, would support it. So if not science, what?

There were arguments about “spinoffs,” contentions that Apollo was a way to pump American technology. They boiled down to something like this: “Give us $25 billion to put people on the Moon, and we’ll throw in Tang, a free cardiac pacemaker and a stickless frying pan.” But anybody could see that if we were after orange-juice substitutes or pacemakers or frying pans—or even mainframe computers—we could invent them directly; we didn’t have to spend $25 billion and send people to the Moon in the process.

I kept asking. The Apollo program is really about politics, I was told. This sounded more promising. Nonaligned nations would be tempted to drift toward the Soviet Union if it was ahead in space exploration, if the U.S. showed insufficient “national vigor.” I didn’t follow. Here was the United States, ahead of the Soviet Union in virtually every area of technology—the world’s economic, military and, on occasion, even moral leader—and Indonesia would go Communist because Yuri Gagarin beat John Glenn to Earth orbit? What’s so special about space technology? Suddenly I understood.

Sending people to orbit the Earth or robots to orbit the Sun requires rockets—big, reliable, powerful rockets. Those same rockets can be used for nuclear war. The same technology that transports a man to the Moon can carry a nuclear warhead halfway around the Earth. The same technology that puts an astronomer and a telescope in Earth orbit can also put up a laser “battle station.” Even back then, there was talk in military circles, East and West, about space as the new “high ground,” about the nation that “controlled” space as “controlling” the Earth. Of course strategic rockets were being tested on Earth. But heaving a ballistic missile with a dummy warhead to a target zone in the middle of the Pacific Ocean doesn’t buy much glory. Sending people into space, though, captures the imagination of the world. You wouldn’t spend the money to launch astronauts for this reason alone, but of all the ways of demonstrating rocket potency, this one works best.

There were six more missions after Apollo 11, all but one of which successfully landed on the lunar surface. Apollo 17 was the first to carry a scientist. As soon as he got there, the program was canceled. The first scientist and the last human to land on the Moon were the same person. The program had already served its purpose that July night in 1969. The half dozen subsequent missions were just momentum.

Apollo was not mainly about science. It was not even mainIy about space. Apollo was mainly about ideological confrontation and nuclear war—often described by such euphemisms as world “leadership” and “national prestige.” Nevertheless, good space science was done. We now know much more about the composition, age and history of the Moon and the origin of the lunar landforms. We have made progress in understanding where the Moon came from. (The best current idea is that it was produced in the collision of a giant asteroid or comet with the Earth around 4.5 billion years ago.) More important, Apollo provided an aegis, an umbrella under which brilliantly engineered robot spacecraft were dispatched throughout the solar system, making a preliminary reconnaissance of dozens of worlds. The last of them, Voyager 2, will encounter the Neptune system this August. The offspring of Apollo are now reaching the solar-system frontiers.

If not for Apollo—and, therefore, if not for the political purpose it served—I doubt whether the historic American expeditions of exploration and discovery throughout the solar system would have occurred. Something similar is true for the pioneering Soviet efforts in solar-system exploration, including the first landings of robot spacecraft on another planet.


Apollo conveyed a confidence, energy and breadth of vision that did capture the imagination of the world. That too was part of its purpose. It inspired an optimism about technology, an enthusiasm for the future. If we could go to the Moon, what else was now possible? Even those who were not admirers of the United States readily acknowledged that—whatever the underlying reason for the program—the nation had, with Apollo, achieved greatness.

But since the end of Apollo, the American space program has been in decline. It has been given no coherent long-term purpose. Like all bureaucracies without real direction from above, NASA has attempted to make do—to maintain existing programs and field centers, to go by slow steps. Predictably, budgets were cut. Morale deteriorated. Other claimants arose for the NASA budget.

Shuttle was developed, although exactly why we need humans in low Earth orbit—when robots are so capable, so much cheaper and do not risk human life—was never made clear. Those whose parents witnessed humans walking on the Moon now thrilled that we were able to launch a shuttle to 200 miles altitude without mishap. An American space station was announced as “the next logical step”—but we heard nothing about where it was a logical step to. What exactly was its purpose? Could we perform those functions without a space station? No one was saying.

The United States, after launching dozens of trailblazing interplanetary missions in the 1960s and 1970s, had not launched a single spacecraft to the Moon or the planets in the last 11 years. This drought has just ended with the successful launch of Magellan, an orbiter for radar-mapping the cloud-shrouded surface of Venus. There is another long-delayed mission just coming out of the pipeline—Galileo to Jupiter—which (my fingers are crossed) is scheduled to be launched this October. Congress now has before it a critically important proposal to reinvigorate the unmanned planetary program called CRAF/Cassini—two spacecraft, one of them designed and paid for jointly with the European Space Agency, to rendezvous with a comet, fly by asteroids, orbit Saturn and send a probe into Titan, a moon covered with the building blocks of life. All this for the price of maybe three B-2 bombers.

Still, something is seriously wrong with NASA, and it’s not hard to see what it is: The U.S. space program bas lost its way. The responsibility lies fundamentally not at NASA’s door but at the President’s—several consecutive Presidents. NASA lacks a compelling political purpose of the sort that Apollo provided. NASA needs a Presidentially mandated long-term goal.

I’ve learned my lesson. Governments do not spend these vast sums just for science, or merely to explore. They need another purpose, and it has to make real political sense. The United States and the Soviet Union have by now amply demonstrated their ability to deliver nuclear weapons over long distances with ballistic missiles. There is no longer any politically coherent purpose for competition in space. What’s left? I think the answer is cooperation.

I’ve learned my lesson. Governments do not spend these vast sums just for science, or merely to explore. They need another purpose, and it has to make real political sense.
I proposed in these pages (Parade, Feb. 2, 1986) a long-term program for the exploration of Mars, a program that would culminate in a manned and womanned mission to that planet—spearheaded by the United States and the Soviet Union but including Europe, Japan and other nations. I believe it would consolidate the disparate constituencies of NASA, be technologically a smaller step than Apollo was in 1961 and represent a much smaller increment in the (now much-diminished) NASA budget than Apollo did. It would provide the aegis and justification for a wide range of other NASA activities, including robotic exploration of Mars and other worlds, long-duration human spaceflight and construction in Earth orbit. It would provide a reason for the space station.

But most of all, such an objective could serve an urgent political task: binding up the United States and the Soviet Union in a shared endeavor of historic proportions on behalf of the human species. It can be done in slow steps, with adequate protection by each side against a political change of heart by the other and without dangerous technology transfer.

President Gorbachev has now, on several occasions, invited the United States to join the USSR in just such an endeavor. The House of Representatives voted (in the 1989 NASA authorization bill) for Mars as the long-term focus of the U.S. space program. NASA’s new Office of Exploration has called for human exploration of Mars as a major NASA goal, as has the 1988 Republican Party Platform. Democratic Presidential aspirants, including Sen. Albert Gore and the Rev. Jesse Jackson, endorsed joint U.S./USSR Mars exploration. And the Planetary Society’s “Mars Declaration” has been signed by a group of Americans of strikingly diverse political persuasions, including six former NASA administrators and the crew of Apollo 11. All that human exploration of Mars needs—as did Apollo—is a Presidential commitment.

But why Mars? Why not return to the Moon? It’s much closer, and we’ve proved we know how to send people there.

Yes, but I’m concerned that the Moon is a long detour, if not a dead end. We’ve been there. We’ve even brought some of it back. People have seen the Moon rocks, and, for reasons that I believe are fundamentally sound they are bored by the Moon. It is a static, airless, waterless, dead world.

Mars, by contrast, has weather, dust storms, its own moons, immense volcanoes, seasonally varying polar ice caps, enigmatic landforms and ancient river valleys indicating that massive climatic change has occurred on a once-Earthlike world. Mars also holds some prospect of past or possibly even present life. None of this is true for the Moon. Nor is the Moon an especially desirable test bed or way station for Mars. The Martian and lunar environments are very different, and the Moon is as distant from Mars as is the Earth. The machinery for Martian exploration can better be tested in Earth orbit or on the Earth itself.

A healthy and successful NASA must broaden its constituency. For one thing, it needs to make a major international effort to monitor the Earth from space, to help preserve our small world. It needs to make a much more serious effort at robotic exploration of other worlds. This is not just a matter of catering to a widespread passion for exploration and discovery; if we didn’t have an ounce of adventuresome spirit in us, it would still be prudent and cost-effective to explore the planets (read more on this here).

But most of all NASA needs to make the connection of spaceflight with international understanding and world peace. I do not see any other activities—such as Star Wars (SDI), appeals to national prestige or promises of technological spinoffs—that can provide a political justification for NASA suitable for the 1990s. But protecting the environment, forging a common purpose with other nations—especially former adversaries—and re-exciting the exploratory imagination of people all over the world constitute a sufficient political payoff to justify a major, consistently funded American space program.

When you pack your bags for a big trip, you never know what’s in store for you. The Apollo astronauts on their way to and from the Moon photographed their home planet. It was a natural thing to do, but it had consequences that few foresaw. For the first time, the inhabitants of Earth could see our world from above—the whole Earth, the Earth in color, the Earth as an exquisite white and blue world set against the vast darkness of space. Those images have awakened our slumbering planetary consciousness; they provide incontestable evidence that we all share the same vulnerable planet—our only home in all the solar system. They remind us of what is important and what is not. The Saudi Arabian astronaut Prince Sultan Salman al-Saud, after his observations of the Earth from the Discovery shuttle in 1985, recalled: “The first day or so, we all pointed to our countries. The third or fourth day, we were pointing to our continents. By the fifth day, we were aware of only one Earth.”

We may have found that perspective just in time, just as our technology threatens the habitability of our world (read more on this here). Whatever the reason we first mustered the Apollo program, however mired in Cold War nationalism it was, the inescapable recognition of the unity and fragility of the Earth is its clear and luminous dividend, the unexpected gift of Apollo. What began in deadly competition has led us to see that global cooperation is the essential precondition for our survival.

Travel is broadening. It’s time to hit the road again.

Copyright © 1989 by Carl Sagan. Originally published in Parade Magazine. Reprinted with permission from Democritus Properties, LLC

1927, tek bir karar

“Osmanlı Devleti’nin temelleri çökmüş, ömrü tamam olmuştu. Osmanlı memleketleri tamamen parçalanmıştı. Ortada bir avuç Türk’ün barındığı bir ata yurdu kalmıştı. Son mesele bunun da taksimini teminle uğraşılmaktan ibaretti. Osmanlı Devleti, onun bağımsızlığı, padişah, halife, hükümet, bunlar hepsi anlamı kalmamış birtakım mânâsız sözlerden ibaretti. O halde ciddi ve hakiki karar ne olabilirdi? Bu vaziyet karşısında bir tek karar vardı. O da milli egemenliğe dayanan, kayıtsız ve şartsız müstakil yeni bir Türk devleti tesis etmek! İşte, daha İstanbul’dan çıkmadan önce düşündüğümüz ve Samsun’da Anadolu topraklarına ayak basar basmaz uygulamaya başladığımız karar, bu karar olmuştur.” 1927 (Nutuk I, s. 12)

9 Eylül 1919

Rauf (ORBAY) Bey ile, Sivas, 4 Eylül 1919

“Ben, yalnız vatanıma ve milletime böyle tarihî bir anda tamamıyla kendimi verebilmek amacıyla kutsal görevimden ayrılıp kendimi sine-i millete emanet ettim. Bunu yaparken milletimin sıradan bir üyesi olarak elimden gelen fedakârlığı göstermek kararlılığındaydım. Bu nedenle tamamıyla milletimin iradesine bağlıyım.”

28 Ocak 1920, Misaki Milli

Birinci Madde: Osmanlı Devleti’nin özellikle Arap çoğunluğun yaşadığı ve 30 Ekim 1918 tarihli mütarekenin kabulünde düşman orduları işgali altında kalan kısımlarının geleceğinin, halkının serbestçe beyân edecekleri oylara uygun olarak tayin edilmesi gerekir. Sözü edilen mütareke hattının içinde ve dışında din, ırk ve ülkü birliği bakımlarından birbirlerine bağlı olan, karşılıklı saygı ve fedakârlık duyguları besleyen, ırk ve toplum ilişkileri ile çevrelerinin şartlarına saygı gösteren Osmanlı-İslam çoğunluğunun yerleşmiş bulunduğu kesimlerin tamamı, ister bir eylem ve ister bir hükümle olsun birbirlerinden ayrılamayacak bir bütündür.

İkinci Madde: Halkı özgürlüğe kavuşunca oylarıyla anavatana katılmış olan üç sancak (Kars, Ardahan ve Batum) için gerektiğinde yeniden halkın ser best oylarına müracaatı kabul ederiz.

Üçüncü Madde: Batı Trakya’nın Türkiye ile yapılacak barışa kadar ertelenen hukukî durumunun belirlenmesi işi de, halkının özgürce beyân edeceği oylara uygun şekilde yerine getirilmelidir.

Dördüncü Madde: İslam hilâfeti ile saltanatın merkezi ve Osmanlı hü kümetinin başkenti olan İstanbul şehri ile Marmara Denizi’nin güvenliği her türlü saldırıya karşı dokunulmaz olmalıdır. Bu esas mahfuz kalmak şartıyla Ak deniz ve Karadeniz Boğazları’nın dünya ticaretine ve ulaşımına açılması konusunda, bizimle birlikte diğer bütün ilgili devletlerin müteffiken verecekleri karar geçerlidir.

Beşinci Madde: İtilâf Devletleri ile düşmanları ve bazı ortakları arasında yapılan antlaşmaların esasları çerçevesinde, azınlıkların hakları kom şu memleketlerdeki Müslüman ahalinin de aynı haklardan istifade etmeleri ümidi içerisinde tarafımızca benimsenip güvence altına alınacaktır. 

Altıncı Madde: Millî ve iktisadî gelişmemizin imkânlarını elde etmek ve işlerin daha çağdaş ve muntazam bir yönetim ile yürütmesini başarabilmek için, her devlet gibi bizim de gelişmemizin şartlarının sağlanmasında tam bir özgürlüğe ve bağımsızlığa kavuşmamız, varlığımızın ve geleceğimizin ana ilkesidir. Bu sebeple siyasî, adlî, malî ve benzeri alanlarda gelişmemizi önleyici sınırlamalara (kapitülasyonlara) karşıyız. Belirlenecek borçlarımızın ödeme şartları da bu ilkelerle çelişmeyecektir. 28 Ocak 1336 (1920).

ABD'nin bağımsızlığını takiben Türk Milleti ile ilk kontak ve ilk anlaşmanın* ABD açısından önemi...

Treaty of Peace and Amity, signed at Algiers September 5, 1795 (21 Safar, A. H. 1210). Original in Turkish. Submitted to the Senate February 15, 1796. Resolution of advice and consent March 2, 1796. Ratified by the United States March 7, 1796. As to the ratification generally, see the notes. Proclaimed March 7, 1796.

ARTICLE 1^st

From the date of the Present Treaty there shall subsist a firm and Sincere Peace and Amity between the President and Citizens of the United States of North America and Hassan Bashaw Dey of Algiers his Divan and Subjects the Vessels and Subjects of both Nations reciprocally treating each other with Civility Honor and Respect

ARTICLE YE ^2d

All Vessels belonging to the Citizens of the United States of North America Shall be permitted to enter the Different ports of the Regency to trade with our Subjects or any other Persons residing within our Jurisdiction on paying the usual duties at our Custom-House that is paid by all nations at Peace with this Regency observing that all Goods disembarked and not Sold here shall be permitted to be reimbarked without paying any duty whatever either for disembarking or embarking all naval & Military Stores Such as Gun-Powder Lead Iron Plank Sulphur Timber for building far pitch Rosin Turpentine and any other Goods denominated Naval and Military Stores Shall be permitted to be Sold in this Regency without paying any duties whatever at the Custom House of this Regency.

ARTICLE 3^d

The Vessels of both Nations shall pass each other without any impediment or Molestation and all Goods monies or Passengers of whatsoever Nation that may be on board of the Vessels belonging to either Party Shall be considered as inviolable and shall be allowed to pass unmolested.

ARTICLE 4^th

All Ships of War belonging to this regency on meeting with Merchant Vessels belonging to Citizens of the United States shall be allowed to Visit them with two persons only beside the rowers these two only permitted to go on board said vessel without obtaining express leave from the commander of said Vessel who shall compare the Pass-port and immediately permit said Vessel to proceed on her Voyage unmolested All Ships of War belonging to the United States of North America on meeting with an Algerine Cruiser and Shall have seen her pass port and Certificate from the Consul of the United States of North America resident in this Regency shall be permittd to proceed on her cruise unmolested no Pass-port to be Issued to any Ships but such as are Absolutely the Property of Citizens of the United States and Eighteen Months Shall be the term allowed for furnishing the Ships of the United States with Pass-ports.

ARTICLE 5^th

No Commander of any Cruiser belonging to this Regency shall be allowed to take any person of whatever Nation or denomination out of any Vessel belonging to the United States of North America in order to Examine them or under presence of making them confess any thing desired neither shall they inflict any corporal punishment or any way else molest them.

ARTICLE 6^th

If any Vessel belonging to the United States of North America shall be Stranded on the Coast of this Regency they shall receive every possible Assistance from the Subjects of this Regency all goods saved from the wreck shall be Permitted to be Reimbarked on board of any other Vessel without Paying any Duties at the Custom House.

ARTICLE 7^th

The Algerines are not on any presence whatever to give or Sell any Vessel of War to any Nation at War with the United States of North America or any Vessel capable of cruising to the detriment of the Commerce of the United States.

ARTICLE YE 8^th

Any Citizen of the United States of North America having bought any Prize condemned by the Algerines shall not be again captured by the Cruisers of the Regency then at Sea altho they have not a Pass-Port a Certificate from the Consul resident being deemed Sufficient untill such time they can procure such Pass-Port.

ARTICLE YE 9^th

If any of the Barbary States at War with the United States of North America shall capture any American Vessel & bring her into any of the Ports of this Regency they shall not be Permitted to sell her but Shall depart the Port on Procuring the Requisite Supplies of Provision.

ARTICLE YE 10^th

Any Vessel belonging to the United States of North America, when at War with any other Nation shall be permitted to send their Prizes into the Ports of the Regency have leave to Dispose of them with out Paying any duties on Sale thereof All Vessels wanting Provisions or refreshments Shall be permitted to buy them at Market Price.

ARTICLE YE 11^th

All Ships of War belonging to the United States of North America on Anchoring in the Ports of ye Regency shall receive the Usual presents of Provisions & Refreshments Gratis should any of the Slaves of this Regency make their Escape on board said Vessels they shall be immediately returned no excuse shall be made that they have hid themselves amongst the People and cannot be found or any other Equivocation.

ARTICLE YE 12^th

No Citizen of ye United States of North America shall be Oblidged to Redeem any Slave against his Will even Should he be his Brother neither shall the owner of A Slave be forced to Sell him against his Will but All Such agreements must be made by Consent of Parties. Should Any American Citizen be taken on board an Enemy-Ship by the Cruisers of this Regency having a Regular pass-port Specifying they are Citizens of the United States they shall be immediately Sett at Liberty. on the Contrary they having no Passport they and their Property shall be considered lawfull Prize as this Regency Know their friends by their Passports.

ARTICLE YE 13^th

Should any of the Citizens of the United States of North America Die within the Limits of this Regency the Dey & his Subjects shall not Interfere with the Property of the Deceased but it Shall be under the immediate Direction of the Consul unless otherwise disposed of by will Should their be no Consul, the Effects Shall be deposited in the hands of Some Person worthy of trust untill the Party Shall Appear who has a Right to demand them, when they Shall Render an Account of the Property neither Shall the Dey or Divan Give hinderence in the Execution of any Will that may Appear.

ARTICLE 14^th

No Citizen of the United States of North America Shall be oblidged to purchase any Goods against his will but on the contrary shall be allowed to purchase whatever it Pleaseth him. the Consul of the United States of North America or any other Citizen shall not be answerable for debts contracted by any one of their own Nation unless previously they have Given a written Obligation so to do. Shou'd the Dey want to freight any American Vessel that may be in the Regency or Turkey said Vessel not being engaged, in consequence of the friendship subsisting between the two Nations he expects to have the preference given him on his paying the Same freight offered by any other Nation.

ARTICLE YE 15^th

Any disputes or Suits at Law that may take Place between the Subjects of the Regency and the Citizens of the United States of North America Shall be decided by the Dey in person and no other, any disputes that may arise between the Citizens of the United States, Shall be decided by the Consul as they are in Such Cases not Subject to the Laws of this Regency.

ARTICLE YE 16^th

Should any Citizen of the United States of North America Kill, wound or Strike a Subject of this Regency he Shall be punished in the Same manner as a Turk and not with more Severity should any Citizen of the United States of North America in the above predicament escape Prison the Consul Shall not become answerable for him.

ARTICLE YE 17^th

The Consul of the United States of North America Shall have every personal Security given him and his houshold he Shall have Liberty to Exercise his Religion in his own House all Slaves of the Same Religion shall not be impeded in going to Said Consul's House at hours of Prayer the Consul shall have liberty & Personal Security given him to Travil where ever he pleases within the Regency. he Shall have free licence to go on board any Vessel Lying in our Roads when ever he Shall think fitt. the Consul Shall have leave to Appoint his own Drogaman & Broker.

ARTICLE YE 18^th

Should a War break out between the two Nations the Consul of the United States of North America and all Citizens of Said States Shall have leave to Embark themselves and property unmolested on board of what Vessel or Vessels they Shall think Proper.

ARTICLE YE 19^th

Should the Cruisers of Algiers capture any Vessel having Citizens of the United States of North America on board they having papers to Prove they are Really so they and their property Shall be immediately discharged and Shou'd the Vessels of the United States capture any Vessels of Nations at War with them having Subjects of this Regency on board they shall be treated in like Manner.

ARTICLE YE 20^th

On a Vessel of War belonging to the United States of North America Anchoring in our Ports the Consul is to inform the Dey of her arrival and She shall be Saluted with twenty one Guns which she is to return in the Same Quanty or Number and the Dey will Send fresh Provisions on board as is Customary, Gratis.

ARTICLE YE 21^st

The Consul of ye United States of North America shall not be required to Pay duty for any thing he brings from a foreign Country for the Use of his House & family.

ARTICLE YE 22^d

Should any disturbance take place between the Citizens of ye United States & the Subjects of this Regency or break any Article of this Treaty War shall not be Declared immediately but every thing shall be Searched into regularly. the Party Injured shall be made Repairation.

On the 21st of ye Luna of Safer 1210 corrisponding with the 5th September 1795 Joseph Donaldson Junr on the Part of the United States of North America agreed with Hassan Bashaw Dey of Algiers to keep the Articles Contained in this Treaty Sacred and inviolable which we the Dey & Divan Promise to Observe on Consideration of the United States Paying annually the Value of twelve thousand Algerine Sequins (1) in Maritime Stores Should the United States forward a Larger Quantity the Over-Plus Shall be Paid for in Money by the Dey & Regency any Vessel that may be Captured from the Date of this Treaty of Peace & Amity shall immediately be deliver'd up on her Arrival in Algiers.

Sign'd VIZIR HASSAN BASHAW
JOSEPH DONALDSON Jun

To all to whom these Presents shall come or be made known.

Whereas the Underwritten David Humphreys hath been duly appointed Commissioner Plenipotentiary, by Letters Patent under the Signature of the President and Seal of the United States of America, dated the 30th of March 1795, for negotiating & concluding a Treaty of Peace with the Dey and Governors of Algiers; Whereas by Instructions given to him on the part of the Executive, dated the 28th of March & 4th of April 1795, he hath been farther authorized to employ Joseph Donaldson Junior on an Agency in the said business; whereas by a Writing under his hand and seal, dated the 218$ of May 1795' he did constitute & appoint Joseph Donaldson Junior Agent in the business aforesaid; and the said Joseph Donaldson Junior did, on the 5th of September 1795, agree with Hassan Bashaw Dey of Algiers, to keep the Articles of the preceding Treaty sacred and inviolable.

Now Know ye, that I David Humphreys, Commissioner Plenipotentiary aforesaid, do approve & conclude the said Treaty, and every article and clause therein contained, reserving the same nevertheless for the final Ratification of the President of the United States of America, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the said United States.

In testimony whereof I have signed the same with my hand and seal, at the City of Lisbon this 28th of November 1795.

[Seal] DAVID HUMPHREYS.

(1) Or $21,600.

*http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/bar1795t.asp#1

1783 yılındaki bağımsızlıklarını takiben ABD bandıralı askeri gemiler uluslararası sularda kendi bayraklarıyla gezinmeye başlar. 

25 Temmuz 1785'te, Atlantik'te Cadiz açıklarında, ABD bandıralı ilk gemi Cezayir açıklarında Osmanlı korsanlarınca ele geçirilir. Bu gemi, Boston limanına bağlı, Kaptan Isaac Stevens'in idaresindeki Maria idi.

Daha sonra Philadelphia Limanına bağlı, Kaptan O’Brien’in Dauphin’i de Osmanlılarca yakalandı. 1793 Ekim ve Kasım aylarında tam 11 ABD gemisi Osmanlılar’ın eline geçmişti.

Akdeniz'de teröristerle savaştı denilen ABD gemileri kendilerine ait olmayan sularda gezinirken Osmanlılarca birbiri ardına yakalanınca, çareyi Osmanlı ile anlaşmakta buldu.

Amerikan Kongresi, 27 Mart 1794 tarihinde, Osmanlı denizcilerine karşı koyacak güçte savaş gemileri inşa edilmesi veya satın alınması için, Başkan George Washington'a 700.000 altına yakın harcama yetkisi verdi. George Washington, 5 Eylül 1795’te ABD Osmanlı Korsanları ile anlaşma yapmayı kabul ettiğini açıkladı. Osmanlılar ile yağılan bu tarihi anlaşma sayesinde, modern ABD donanmasının temelleri atılıyordu.

Bu anlaşmaya göre ABD, Cezayir’deki esirlerin iadesi ve gerek Atlantik’te, gerekse Akdeniz’de ABD sancağı taşıyan hiçbir tekneye dokunulmaması karşılığında, 642.000 altın ve yılda 12.000 Osmanlı altını(216.000 dolar) ödeyecekti.

ABD'YE VERGİ ÖDETTİREN İLK DEVLET OSMANLI

Dili Türkçe olan ve 22 maddeden oluşan anlaşmaya, Başkan George Washington ve Cezayir Berlerbeyi Hasan Dayı imza koydular.

Böylece ABD ilk kez bir devlet tarafından yıllık vergiye bağlanmış oldu.

Bu ABD’nin iki asrı aşan tarihinde, yabancı bir dille imzalanan tek anlaşma olduğu gibi, yabancı bir devlete vergi ödemeyi kabul eden tek Amerikan belgesidir…

Anlaşmadaa ABD yi temsilen Başkan, Osmanlı’yı temsilen Padişah ve hatta sadrazam bile değil, şimdiki Vali statüsünde olan Beylerbeyinin imzası bulunuyordu. Bu tarihi vesikayı, devletleri adına imza eden görevliler, ABD adına Başkan George Washington ve Osmanlı adına  Cezayir Beylerbeyi Hasan Paşa idi.  

1795 tarihli Osmanlı eyaleti Cezayir ile ABD arasındaki barış anlaşmasının muhtevası 
5 Eylül 1795 (21 Sefer 1210) Tarihli Osmanlı Eyaleti Cezair ile ABD Arasındaki Dostluk ve Barış Anlaşması 22 Madde halinde Türkçe (Osmanlıca) olarak kaleme alınmış.

Tamamı 22 fasıl ve bir hatimeden mürekkep anlaşmaya göre ABD Cezair-i Garp Ocaklarına 12.000 altun vermeyi kabul ediyor.

Anlaşmanın özgün metninin ilk üç maddesi şöyle. Anlaşmanın tam metni Bilim ve Ütopya dergisinin Eylül 2006 tarihli sayısında yer alıyor. Sizlere bir fikir vermesi açısından ilk üç madde Osmanlıca oalrak şöyle:

1. Fasıl 

İbtida ki faslın kavi u kararı oldur ki işbu 1210 senesinde hala Merikan Ceziresi Eyaletlerine mutasarrıf dostumuz Cor-co Vaşinto (George Washington) her biri  zebti(?)nam Merika hakimi ile ocağımız Mahruse-i Cezair-i Garbta sahib-i devlet olan saadetlü Hasan Paşa (Cezayir Dayısı Hasan Paşa) -yesserellahü ma ye-zid vema yeşa- Hazretlerinin rey ve as-ker-i mansure Ağası ve kul kethüdası ve sair erbab-ı divan ve cümle asakir-i mansure ve canibinin reayaları ittifakıyla bu sulh ve selahımız ve metin ve muhkem olub sabit olmuştur. Ba'del yevm sulhü-müze muhalif ve mugayir ve fasid idicek bir söz kalmamış. Vesselam( Bu anlaşmanın her maddesi selam ile bitmektedir ki bunun anlamı barıştır)) Tahriren Fi 21 Safer, Sene 1210.

2. Fasıl İkinci faslın kavi u kararı oldur ki Merikan hakimi dostumuzun gemileri gerek büyük ve gerek küçük ve kezalik anların hükmünde olan reayasının gemileri mahruse-i Cezayir iskelesi veyahut taht hükmünde olan iskelelere varurlar ise adet-i kadim üzere rızklarından ötürü sattıklarında sair İngiliz ve Felemenk sevid bazerkanlarının vire geldüği ve anlara akdo-lunan gümriği 100 guruşta beş guruş gümrük alına. Ziyade taleb olunmaya. Ve bir dahi budur ki satılmayan rızkların yine gemiye koyup götürmek murad ettiklerinde bir kimesne anlardan bir şey talep itmeye. Ve mezkur iskelelerde bir kimesne anları incidüb alıkomalayalar. Vesselam. Tahriren fi 21 Safer 1210.

3. Fasıl 
Üçüncü faslın kavi u karan oldur ki Merikan hakimi dostumuzun gerek korsan ve gerek bazargan ve gerek Ceza-ir'in korsan ve bazargan gemileri ruy-i deryada birbirlerine rastgelüb buluştuklarında aramaktan ve birbirlerin incitmekten beri olup rivayet ve hürmet ile birbirlerinden yollarına gitmeden bir kimesneye mani olmaya. Ve biri dahi budur ki içlerinde herkangı cins olursa olsun yolcu oldukta rızkları ve malları ve eşyalarıyla her ne canibe giderler ise birbirin incidüb bir şeylerin almaya ve bir yere götürmeyeler ve eğtendürmeyeler ve hiçbir vecihle birbirlerine zarar u ziyan itmeyeler. Vesselam. Tahriren fi 21 Safer 1210.

***

Fakat tarihin şanlı sayfalarına bakarak övünmek kadar, yaşanan acziyetlere bakarak da ders almak da önemli.

ABD'yi vergi ödemeye mecbur bırakan tek güç olan Osmanlı Donanması ise kendisini yenilemeyi başaramayarak, bu tarihten sadece 33 sene sonra 20 Ekim 1827 yılındaki Navarin Deniz Savaşı'nda, "dünyanın ahşap gemili son donanması" olarak sulara gömülmekten kurtulamadı...

*HABER 7.com dan alıntıdır.